Putin Plays Peacemaker, But His Act Is Getting Old
By
Paul Gregory (Hoover
Institution and University of Houston)
Ukraine’s president, Petro Poroshenko, released his fourteen-point peace
plan on Saturday, June 21. In his address to the
nation, Poroshenko did not mention Russia until the very end, when he stated
that “President of Russia Vladimir Putin also positively evaluated the decision
of Ukraine to cease fire and supported concrete steps of my peaceful plan on
the settlement of the situation in Donbas.”
Poroshenko’s peace plan set off a predictable flurry of diplomatic activity,
culminating in a three-way
phone call between Putin, Angela Merkel, and Francois Hollande on June 22,
in which the two European leaders urged their Russian counterpart to facilitate
negotiations. The Ukraine peace plan and Putin’s response to it will be a main
agenda item in this week’s meetings of NATO foreign ministers and European
leaders in Luxembourg and Brussels.
Five Compelling Reasons For The U.S. To Offer Lethal
Military Assistance to Ukraine
By Paul
Gregory (Hoover Institution and University of Houston)
With Washington’s attention diverted, as
radical ISIS forces march towards Baghdad, it is no coincidence that Russia
chose to send tanks, missiles, and armored personnel carriers across its border
into east Ukraine. Forget Putin’s assurances that he had nothing to do with
this. Movements of heavy weaponry in border areas require authorization from
the highest levels in Putin’s notorious power
vertical. The June 12 passage of Russian tanks, missiles, and armored
personnel carriers across the border (confirmed by U.S. sources) was
so blatant that even the timid NATO
officially labeled it as “a grave escalation” by Russia.
The Third Russia-Ukraine Gas War
At 10 am on Monday, June 16, 2014, Gazprom, a Russian gas
monopoly, cut
off supplies of gas to Ukraine. This is the third time in the last ten
years when Gazprom has tried to use a cut-off to force the Ukrainian government
to accept a deal it did not want to accept. In the previous two cut-offs--in
January 2004 and January 2009, that is, in the middle of bitter cold winters--Ukraine
bowed to the pressure and agreed to unfavorable contracts with high prices, tough
clauses, and heavy penalties. Each time, Russia used Gazprom and energy prices
as a political instrument to pressure pro-Western governments in Ukraine. Although
the current cut-off is motivated by the same political factors, the outcome could
be different this time.
Miles Apart And No Peace In Sight: Putin's D-Day Press Conference Versus
Poroshenko's Inaugural
By Paul Gregory (Hoover
Institution and University of Houston)
The United States and Europe do not know how to read Vladimir Putin. He is,
for the Western mind, a strange laboratory specimen, who grew up in the KGB
world of conspiracy and repression of enemies who are everywhere. We do not
understand him and what he is really saying.
Any positive remark, no matter how small, turns Putin into a budding man of
peace. (I am reminded of hopes that Bashar Assad would become a reformer).
After Putin exchanged a few words with Ukraine’s president-elect, Petro
Poroshenko, and with Barack Obama and expressed his liking for an
(unacceptable) type of peace dialog, John Kerry spoke optimistically of “the
possibility of Russia helping to get the separatists to begin to put their guns
away, get out of buildings and begin to build Ukraine.” (See the Reuters
report.) A Secretary of State should not engage in wishful thinking
out loud.
Zbigniew Brzezinski’s perspective on the Russia-Ukraine
crisis
Zbigniew
Brzezinski, a National Security Adviser to President Carter, has been
decidedly anti-Soviet in his long and distinguished career. Yet, despite Brzezinski’s
strong views, which were often perceived as one-sided and radical, his thinking
has influenced generations of policymakers in Washington DC and other capitals because
his vision on how to approach a number of global challenges proved right. His recent
biography
by Andrzej Lubowski is an interesting synthesis of Brzezinski’s ideas, many of
which have turned out to be prophetic, at least with respect to Russia.
Economic Prospects of Ukraine
Ukraine is living through most trying times: Maidan protests, snipers killing dozens
of unarmed protesters, the fall of Viktor Yanukovych’s regime, near-default of the
government, Russian annexation
of Crimea, and Russian-sponsored
separatist mutiny in Ukraine’s East. With the victory of the February
revolution, the new government, and the new elected president Petro Poroshenko, Ukraine
has solved some of its political problems but it continues to face a number of
challenges on its path to building a successful democratic country.
The backbone of this success has to be good economic
performance, and so a crucial question is whether Ukraine’s economy will
rebound from recent setbacks. A month ago, the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) gave a US$17 billion emergency loan
which also unlocked loans and aid (in total close to what the IMF loaned) from
other donors—individual countries (e.g. U.S.,
EU)
and multinational agencies (e.g. EBRD). These
resources can backstop Ukraine from collapsing due to short-term funding
problems such as decreased fiscal revenues, depleted foreign reserves, and an
economic recession. However, this support will be wasted unless Ukraine experiences
robust economic growth in the medium run. In this post, I outline the key
forces that, I believe, will shape the economic future of Ukraine over the
course of the next ten or so years as well as discuss potential risks that can
stall Ukraine’s development.
The Truth About Ukraine
By
Paul Gregory
(Hoover Institution and University of Houston)
Yesterday, President Obama gave a commencement address to the cadets at West Point. Here’s what he said about Ukraine:
This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday, I spoke to
their next president. We don’t know how the situation will play out,
and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our
allies on behalf of international order, working with international
institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose
their future — without us firing a shot.
Here’s what he should have said:
This weekend, courageous Ukrainians voted by the millions, some
standing in line six hours, others defying threats of violence. Despite
long odds, they rallied behind a consensus candidate on the first round.
They have a government that no enemy can call illegitimate. The
Ukrainian people have held their country together in the face of foreign
aggression. It is they who fight on the front lines on our behalf and
on behalf of international order, with minimal help from international
institutions and the United States – without us firing a shot.
repost from Paul's
blog.